Army Appropriation Bill Our Relations With the Philippine Islands (Classic Reprint)
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| Stand: | 2015-08-04 03:50:33 |
Produktbeschreibung
Excerpt from Army Appropriation Bill Our Relations With the Philippine Islands If to his own fury and passions the conqueror adds the specious plea that he is the chosen instrument of God´s wrath to punish some alleged crime of another nation or people, or that it is his duty to carry civilization and religion to distant lands by the military arm, then you may expect to witness a double installment of mans malice. If you doubt this, read the history of the so-called religious wars of Europe and Asia and the story of Roman and British conquests. Recall the names of Verres and the Roman proconsuls, of Clive and Hastings, Pizarro and Cortez, and some others of our own day and generation who have plundered, scourged, and oppressed a subject population. [Applause.] II. No Dishonor In Treating With Alleged Rebels. Our Revolutionary war of 1776 was a righteous war, one of self-defense, and for the right to govern ourselves. At the outset our petitions for peace and justice were "spurned from the foot of the throne." We were told that "rebels" in arms could not be treated with: that we must lay down our arms and submit. The terrible contest went on and on with varying fortunes, until finally the King of England condescended to treat with us. Peace and independence were the result. Sir, there is no dishonor, there can be none, in negotiating with alleged rebels or insurgents. If there were such dishonor, then England might have held out indefinitely. We have ourselves often made treaties of peace with Indian tribes who had defied our authority. The brave and the strong can always afford to be generous. The story of that period supplies another moral. France had helped us greatly. At the close we were exhausted, almost helpless, but she asked no pecuniary reward and no surrender of any territory as compensation for her powerful succor, and still less did she dream of selling out her allies, the American colonies, to any country for a sum of money, or of buying England´s title to our shores. She quitted the fight clean-handed, with her honor unstained. No Frenchman need blush for that page of history. III. Power To Make War Rests With Congress. The American statesmen of that day had pondered well the lessons of history. They had seen kings make war again and again regardless of the people´s wishes. They, therefore, refused to trust the President with the war-making power. They would not trust it to the Senate, high as that body was to be, and then deemed most unlikely to be influenced by patronage. They would not trust the power of making war even to the President and Senate combined. I am aware, sir, that there are some politicians of our day who claim that the President and Senate combined can by a treaty make a war and can even empower Congress to legislate in United States territory outside of the Federal Constitution: but this is not the doctrine of the good and great men who created our form of government. They, indeed, allowed the President and the Senate to make peace by the form of a treaty; but this power to make war, so solemn, so awful in its responsibilities, they would confide only to Congress. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
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