Extra Session of the 46th Congress, Speeches of Hon. James a Garfield, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, at the Extra Session, March 18 to July 1, 1879 (Classic Reprint)
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| Partner: | buecher.de |
| Hersteller: | Forgotten Books (Garfield, James A.) |
| Stand: | 2015-08-04 03:50:33 |
Produktbeschreibung
Excerpt from Extra Session of the 46th Congress, Speeches of Hon. James a Garfield, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, at the Extra Session, March 18 to July 1, 1879 The Senate said to us through their conferees, "We are ready to pass the appropriation bills; but we are unwilling to pass as riders the three legislative measures you ask us to pass." Thereupon the House, through its conference committee, made the following declaration - and in order that I may do exact justice, I read from the speech of the distinguished Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Beck], on the report of the conference committee: The Democratic conferees on the part of the House seem determined that unless those lights were secured to the people - alluding to the three points I have named - in the bill sent to the Senate, they would refuse, under their constitutional right, to make appropriations to carry on the government, if the dominant majority in the Senate insisted upon the maintenance of these laws and refused to consent to their repeal. Then, after stating that if the position they had taken compelled an extra session, the new Congress would offer the repealing bills separately, and forecasting what would happen when the new House should be under no necessity of coercing the Senate, he said: If, however, the President of the United States, in the exercise of the power vested in him, should see fit to veto the bills thus presented to him, then I have no doubt those same amendments will be again made part of the appropriation hills, and it will be for the President to determine whether he will block the wheels of government and refuse to accept necessary appropriations rather than allow the representatives of the people to repeal odious laws which they regard as subversive of their rights and privileges. Whether that course is right or wrong, it will be adopted, and I have no doubt adhered to, no matter what happens with the appropriation bills. That was the proposition made by the Democracy in Congress at the close of the Congress now dead. Another distinguished Senator [Mr. Thurman] - and I may properly refer to Senators of a Congress not now in existence - reviewing the situation, declared, in still more succinct terms: We claim the right, which the House of Commons in England established after two centuries of contest, to say that we will not grant the money of the people unless there is a redress of grievances. These propositions were repeated with various degrees of vehemence by the majority in the House. The majority in the Senate and the minority on this floor expressed the deepest anxiety-to avoid an extra session and to avert the catastrophe thus threatened - the stoppage of the government. They pointed out the danger to the country and its business interests of an extra session of Congress, and expressed their willingness to consent to any compromise consistent with their views of duty which should be offered - not in the way of coercion but in the way of fair adjustment - and asked to be met in a spirit of just accommodation on the other side. Unfortunately no spirit of adjustment was manifested in reply to their advances. And now the new Congress is assembled; and after ten days of caucus deliberation, the House of Representatives has resolved, substantially, to reaffirm the positions of its predecessors, except that the suggestion of Senator Beck to otter the independent legislation in a separate bill has been abandoned. By a construction of the rules of the House far more violent than any heretofore given, a part of this independent legislation is placed on the pending bill for the support of the Army; and this House has determined to begin its career by the extremest form of coercive legislation. In
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