Blackwood´s Edinburgh Magazine, Vol. 71
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| Stand: | 2015-08-04 03:50:33 |
Produktbeschreibung
Excerpt from Blackwood´s Edinburgh Magazine, Vol. 71: January June, 1852 Realities have succeeded to chimeras, necessities have prostrated imaginations. Louis Napoleon has assumed the dictatorship, with the concurrence of the only power in the country which, in a decisive struggle, could be relied on. He has virtually declared himself Emperor, by the election of the soldiers. Tho citizens have confirmed their choice. It has ever been tho same. Tho rule of Cæsar, and Cromwell, and Napoleon, was founded on the same social necessities springing out of the same social crimes. This 2d December 1851 was but a repetition, and from the same causes, of the 18th Brumairo 1799. Successful high treason, triumphant rebellion, lead invariably to one result-general slavery and militarydespotism; and of all the pioneers to "the last terrible catastrophe that the mind of man ever conceived, a socialist revolution is the most effectual, for it at once unites all persons possessed of property, however small, on the side of despotic power. That it may not be supposed that these observations are exaggerations of our own, we select, ont of a multitude of others which might be taken, tho following graphic description of tho stato of Faria in the first week of December 1851, three years and nine months after the overthrow of Louis Philippe, and establishment of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity by the formation of a republic. "If anything could give an appearance of legal necessity to the military operations in Paris, and to the tremendous severity of the measures employed to crush the resistance of the people, it U the part which the organised sections of the Red Republic and the desperate combatants of that faction are again taking in this struggle. ´Non tali anzilio nee defensor dots islis,´ may well be the answer of the French people to a cry of independence and a promise of succour conveyed to them in the sinister language of M. Louis Blanc. Nothing can be more afflicting than the position of the middle classes and the pacific part of the population, between a host of fierce revolutionists who can only be put down by an imiuenso army, and an army prepared to dispose absolutely of all political power as a recompense for the protection it affords to property and life. For the first time in these terrific street-batiles of Parisian history, see hear nothing of the National Guard. It is remarkable that no proclamation or appeal has been addressed to that body by the government. The civic forces have been expressly consigned to inaction, evidently because Louis Napoleon was afraid to rely upon them, and nothing would have been more inconvenient than the opposition of legions of armed citizens. Even now it is not impossible that their weight may be felt before the termination of this conflict, but felt against the executive power. The government has staked its tthole success on the army alone, and the strength of the regular forces engaged is immensely greater than on any former occasion. But, be the political opinions and ulterior views of the popular leaders what they may, it is impossible not to fee! for the dauntless courage with which they have flung themselves into open resistance to an unexampled violation of the rights of the nation. The middle classes, though probably most aggrieved by the menaces of military despotism, would have found neither the means nor the spirit to defy such a power. But, if the men of the faubourgs are as tenacious and as brave in the defence of the laws of the republic as they have more than once shown themselves to be when they rose against the laws of the monarchy, victory has not even yet declared herself against the liberties of France. These men are not, at least on this occasion, the insurgents, if by an insurgent is meant the man who conspires against the legal order of the country, and seeks to change by force the constitution
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