Speech of Judge Wm
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| Partner: | buecher.de |
| Hersteller: | Forgotten Books (Crump, William Wood) |
| Stand: | 2015-08-04 03:50:33 |
Produktbeschreibung
Excerpt from Speech of Judge Wm: W. Crump Indeed, there is but one practical question to be determined by us, and upon that the whole south, of all parties, were but a short time back united and harmonious, standing as we yet stand, first for the enactment of the Nebraska-Kansas bill; and secondly, with us against its repeal. Democratic policy in the administration of the affairs of the nation, has been vindicated beyond cavil. The slavery question is the only open one. And the repeal of so much of the Nebraska Kansas bill as declared the miscalled compromise of 20 inoperative, is the only practical form that question can take in the future legislation of the country. For if that question is settled favorably for us, we may perhaps hope for tranquillity and peace; if against us, I solemnly believe federal legislation over us is at an end. Parties are arrayed upon this point alone. Fremont is pledged to repeal it, Fillmore to let it be repealed, Buchanan to prevent its repeal by every constitutional means. Between Fremont and Fillmore the difference is scarcely appreciable, upon the question of repeal. That this is so, no partisan of Fillmore here has dared or will (fare, as a test, to ask him whether he would discourage an attempt to repeal it, or veto a bill repealing it. Upon that subject, he is as silent as Scott was in ´52 upon the repeal of the fugitive slave law, and he will continue so. Indeed, Fillmore has not a supporter at the north, the burden of whose discourse is not denunciation of the repeal of the compromise of ´20, and a declaration that it must be restored. And 60 essentially has this become an article of party faith at the north, that the politicians of the know nothing and whig parties of Virginia have been forced to eat their own words - to humiliate themselves at the feet of their northern leaders, and to abandon a principle, which, two years ago. they declared it treason in a southern man to question. And while they confess they have not the manliness to right an acknowledged wrong by restoring the Missouri compromise, they declare it was unjust and unwise to repeal it. And although they assert, that its repeal has begotten all our woes, they have not the courage or the conscientiousness to advocate its restoration. How their northern allies must pity and contemn those, who "with bated breath and whispering humbleness," deprecate their resentment, and with fruitless contrition confess, "they Know the right, and yet the wrong pursue." Upon the democratic party, then, the burden of defending the repeal of the legislation of ´20 has been cast by the followers of Fremont and Fillmore, north and south. This task I have assumed, though one of the humblest of that party; and I propose to call in aid of my labors, the testimony of whigs south and abolitionists north, and to vindicate the policy, the propriety and the justice of the principle of nonintervention established by the KansasNebraska bill as a substitute for the compromise line of 36 30´, which had been erased from the map of the United States by the legislation of 1850, known as the compromise measures of ´50. To do this, I shall be constrained to invite you to a retrospect of this question of slavery, in order to see whether there is any constitutional solution for the difficulties which encompass us. or whether we must not resort to the principles of right, equality and justice, to extricate the country from the unforeseen contingency in which we find it. It may be safely assumed, that the constitution gives no power, in terms, to congress to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the territories. The power is only implied. Certainly it has none over those "after acquired," because we have the authority of Mr. Jeffer
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