Speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts
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Stand: | 2015-08-04 03:50:33 |
Produktbeschreibung
Excerpt from Speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts: He Bill to Maintain the Freedom of the Inhabitants in the States Declared in Insurrection and Rebellion by the Proclamation of the President of July 1, 1802 The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, having resumed the consideration of the bill (S. No. 9) to maintain the freedom of the inhabitants in the States declared in insurrection and rebellion by the proclamation of the President of the 1st of July, 1862 - Mr. Sumner said: Mr. President: When I think of what occurred yesterday in this Chamber; when I call to mind the attempt to whitewash the unhappy condition of the rebel States, and to throw the mantle of official oblivion over sickening and heart-rending outrages, where Human Rights are sacrificed and rebel Barbarism receives a new letter of license, I feel that I ought to speak of nothing else. I stood here years ago, in the days of Kansas, when a small community was surrendered to the machinations of slave-masters. I now stand here again, when, alas! an immense region, with millions of people, has been surrendered to the machinations of slave-masters. Sir, it is the duty of Congress to arrest this fatal fury. Congress must dare to be brave; it must dare to be just. But I shall not be diverted from the question before the Senate, although, in unfolding the necessity of present legislation for the protection of the freedmen, I shall be led necessarily and logically to speak of the condition of the rebel States. All must admit that the bill of my colleague is excellent in purpose. It proposes nothing less than to establish Equality before the Law, at least so far as civil rights are concerned, in the rebel States. This is done simply to carry out and maintain the Proclamation of Emancipation, by which this Republic is solemnly pledged to maintain the emancipated slave in his freedom. Such is our pledge: "and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons." This pledge is without any limitation in space or time. It is as extended and as immortal as the Republic itself. Does anybody call it vain words? I trust not. To that pledge we are solemnly bound. Wherever our flag floats as long as time endures we must see that it is sacredly observed. But the performance of that pledge cannot be intrusted to another; least of all, can it be intrusted to the old slave-masters, embittered against their slaves. It must be performed by the national Government. The power that gave freedom must see that this freedom is maintained. This is according to reason. It is also according to the examples of history. In the British West Indies we find this teaching. Three of England´s greatest orators and statesmen, Burke, Canning, and Brougham, at successive periods united in declaring, from the experience in the British West Indies, that whatever the slave-masters undertook to do for their slaves was always "arrant trifling," and that, whatever might be its plausible form, it always wanted "the executive principle." More recently the Emperor of Russia, when ordering Emancipation, declared that all efforts of his predecessors in this direction had failed because they had been left to "the spontaneous initiative of the proprietors." About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com
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